Dean — Andrey Bystritskiy
25 years after the first publication of Media Events: The Live Broadcasting of History (Dayan and Katz 1992), not only has the concept of media events firmly taken root in media theory, but it has also been developed considerably as a result of multiple critical interpretations. Going beyond a neo-Durkheimian ritual perspective, which emphasized the integrative role of ceremonial media events, has allowed a number of authors to identify such genres as ‘disruptive’, ‘traumatic’ or ‘conflictual’ media events, including, first and foremost, terror, disaster and war (Cottle 2006; Dayan 2008; Hepp and Couldry 2010; Katz and Liebes 2007; Mitu and Poulakidakos 2016). However, there is another type of events targeting social and cultural change, which do not exactly fit the ‘integrative/disruptive’ opposition, even if these events take the form of protest, for ‘protests and strikes are agreed forms of sanctioned disruption’ (Katz and Liebes 2007: 159). Until protest grows into a revolution and civil war, it is an instance of ‘ritual’ chaos, constituting a part of the order. Events of this type show some features of social drama and cultural performance (Turner 1974, 1982; Alexander 2006, 2011). Nevertheless, not every ‘transformative media event’ (Mihelj 2008) has such radical goals and sweeping scale.
‘Transformative media events’ are initiated in public spaces by citizens, whose disagreement with certain social conditions and/or a call for change they express. The transformative power can be an inherent element of the event (for instance, in the case of a protest action), or can emerge as a result of public response to a published opinion or document (such as a YouTube video recording police abuse). The latter case includes practices of ‘sousveillance’ (Mann et al. 2003) or ‘citizen witnessing’ (Allan 2013) directed at the democratization of social relations. A key feature of ‘transformative media events’ is their tight connection to the ‘citizen media’, by means of which they become visible and powerful. In this context it seems useful to consider media events as ‘user-generated media events’ (Mitu 2016), ‘new media events’ (Neverson and Adeyanju 2017), ‘transmedia events’ (Bacallao-Pino 2016), etc.
Since the advent of digitization, the conceptual confusion surrounding the semantic galaxy that comprises the media and journalism universes has increased. Journalism across several media platforms provides rapidly expanding content and audience engagement that assist in enhancing the journalistic experience. Exploring Transmedia Journalism in the Digital Age provides emerging research on multimedia journalism across various platforms and formats using digital technologies. While highlighting topics, such as immersive journalism, nonfictional narratives, and design practice, this book explores the theoretical and critical approaches to journalism through the lens of various technologies and media platforms. This book is an important resource for scholars, graduate and undergraduate students, and media professionals seeking current research on media expansion and participatory journalism.
Russian media are often accused of succumbing to state pressure (or of being an instrument of such pressure) , subordinating to power and, by implication, of being excessively dependent on state financing . In this contribution we are trying to systematically understand and analyze how the Russian state, in its post-Soviet incarnation, incorporates (or envisions incorporation of) the media into the national system of public institutions, and indeed how the state develops and implements public policy in respect of Russian media, are much more rare. Such analysis is, of course, complicated by the dual nature of media in Russia and in many other countries – on the one hand, as a branch of the economy and a market player among many, and on the other hand a purveyor of information, interpreter of cultural codes, and provider of public goods .
This chapter examines how the concept of free speech has evolved in the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia. It also assesses the impact of international standards on the development of Russia’s concept of freedom of speech. Along with the main legal documents, including constitutions and media laws as well as the judicial practice of the highest courts, Marxism-Leninism will be examined to help clarify Russia’s view of free speech. The chapter argues that, in Russia, the change in political regime has encouraged a reconsideration of the concept of freedom of speech by political leaders. It shows the similarities between Lenin’s ideas and the modern Russian concept of free speech. Also indicated is the impact of international standards on free speech as superficial and dependent on political will.
The study deals with the hermeneutics of the cinema of the twentieth century, the disclosure of excluded content and cinepolitics based on the analysis of more than one hundred foreign and Soviet/Russian films. The book will be of interest to anyone interested in the phenomenon of mass culture, cinema and nature of power within their philosophical, sociological and cultural-political interpretation.
The article is dedicated to the significance and prospects of development of a new research field — astrosociology. Space studies have traditionally been the preserve of science and technology, whereas social and cultural aspects of space exploration have hardly been looked into. How can the space problematics enter the field of social science? What do sociologists have to say about human society that travels to outer space, survives in space, imagines space? These questions bring to the fore bilateral connections between mankind and space, namely the ways space affects social life and vice versa. The author identifies and characterizes three modes of astrosociological research: astrosocial studies, studies of astroculture, and studies of astropolitics. In the first case, space is regarded as an extra-social factor, in the second, as a social and cultural construct, and in the third, more specifically, as a matter of public opinion. However, the boundaries of these three research spheres are permeable, and taken together these areas of study form a multi-dimensional and as yet invisible interdisciplinary field. The present article aims at conceptualizing this field and raising social scientists’ awareness of its potential for further research.
This research explores implementation of public service function within the regional media system in Russia. Our investigation reveals that factors influencing on transformation of regional media system are multidirectional and conflict with each other. The main point of collision is between commercialization of regional media outlets and their intention to provide public service. Together with dependency on state financing due to weak advertising facilities, this conflict gives birth to a special institutional element of media market – state informational contracts. These contracts aim to eliminate “market failure” of lack of public significant information. Nevertheless, it turns out that they also perform other functions, such as indirect state control over the market and enhancing self-censorship of mass media. Conflict at the level of systems reproduces at the level media outlets that exist in the environment where the boundaries between commercial logic and public service logic are blurred. Regional mass media cannot clearly define their role – whether they are market players or public service providers. However, there is no any critical reflections about it in the media industry. Even more, state interference into the market in the form of informational contracts is widely accepted by media outlets and gets legitimate explanation from them.
The rise of digital data in the new millennium has drastically changed former approaches of information management. New social media applications, cloud computing, and software-as-a-service applications further contributed to the data explosion. Big data governance is a part of a broader information governance program that manages policies relating to data optimization, privacy, and monetization. This information governance is the set of principles, policies and processes that corresponds to corporate strategy and define its operational and financial goals. The paper explains how big data governance determines what data is held, how it is held, where and in what quality. The authors describes the impact of Big Data, Big Data governance management , Big Data core disciplines and government policies related to big data.
The article deals with the use of public diplomacy tools for promoting the interests of the state. The main purpose of this paper is to show the public diplomacy potential possibilities to achieve policy goals in an authoritarian one-party state with a focus on the online environment. As an example, we selected the Carrefour Incident, a conflict that occurred in China during the preparations for the Olympic Games in Beijing in 2008.The conflict broke out between the Chinese citizens, who were offended by the reaction of the Government of France towards the actions of pro-Tibetan activists during the Olympic torch relay in Paris, and the Carrefour Group in China.
The introduction provides a brief history of the development of the concept of public diplomacy in the context of Nicholas Сull’s theory as well as explores several media communications models and theories that are helpful in better understanding the details of the case. Subsequently, the article presents a detailed chronology and the stages of the conflict and describes the main actors’ goals and actions. The conflict was initially supported by the government via social networking sites and soft propaganda techniques, and when this goal was achieved, it was effectively pacified through Internet audience management tools. The case demonstrates approaches to implicit information management and shares some techniques to identify the critical phases of the conflict using basic media statistics. The Chinese experience is important for understanding the effectiveness of the media control policy and conflict management for state actors and non-governmental organisations. The conclusion provides a number of theoretical and practical points about the nature of this conflict and consolidating role of the Internet in it. In particular, some parts of the conclusion concern the effectiveness of Chinese “soft power” and the necessity of a term base transformation.
The article is focused on the empirical research of using the Common Government Services Portal in South Russia Region. In the study we used such methods as the in-depth interviews, observation, and experiment. As a result of research, it became clear that many portal users do not realize its connection with the State, but classify it as a part of Internet environment. If the user realizes that the portal is a technological intermediary between the State and the citizen, the practice of using it varies considerably with respect to general Internet practices
This paper analyzes the content of social networks, devoted to historical events, in particular the October revolution of 1917. Objectives. The aim of this project is analysis of content devoted to historical events, to determine how the assessment of significant historical events affect the social reality, as reflected in virtual communication. Methodology. The main techniques that were used to obtain empirical data were used interdisciplinary approach, mass surveys, focus group interviews, analysis of content dedicated to the October revolution, harvested from social networks (Facebook, Vkontakte, Livejournal); analysis of essays. Data processing was carried out using Tableau software and Automap. Results. The content devoted to historical content in the Russian-speaking social networks, social tensions repeats of the events of 100 years ago. Discussion and Conclusion. The conflict that has split Russian society into hostile irreconcilable camps in 1917, continues to divide people today. The battlefield has shifted to virtual space, where the evaluation of historical events becomes another way of marking "friend or foe", leads to conflict communication and increase social tensions.
Philosophical aesthetics is routinely grounded upon a binary opposition separating art, a reflective and contemplative activity, from popular culture, the brute and philistine cultural expressions of the masses. While art is expected to have a broadly conceived educational mission, it has to simultaneously denounce such popular culture forms that involve propaganda, didacticism and immediacy in order to legitimize itself socially. This paper explores the social and political implications of art and left-wing populism through the work of the British artist and taxi driver Mark McGowan and his project Artist Taxi Driver. Employing a direct language and an aggressive anti-neoliberal rhetoric grounded on widespread populist binaries, such as the ‘elites’ and the ‘people’, McGowan enacts a militant artistic persona in his series of YouTube videos. His daily commentary on subjects such as the Greek crisis, the Scottish referendum and the Jeremy Corbyn election both challenges the split between art and popular culture and mobilizes this split as a populist negation of prevalent forms of governance.